
ARTICLES OF INTEREST
" MASTERPIECE OF CHINA'S TECHNOLOGICAL"
Pilot.

Chinese military officials gather around the J-20 stealth fighter
after it made its first-known test flight in Sichuan province, Jan. 11, 2011.
China's state-run media on Tuesday denied allegations that the Jian-20 stealth
fighter plane unveiled earlier this month used technology stolen from the United
States.
According to the Global Times, which has the direct backing of the ruling
Communist Party, military officials say the plane is entirely home-grown.
It quoted a senior Chinese test pilot as saying that the plane was a
"masterpiece" of home-grown innovation.
"Unlike previous fighters such as the J-7 and J-8, which drew on the merits of
aircraft from other countries, the J-20 is a masterpiece of China's
technological innovation," it quoted pilot Xu Yongling as saying.
The paper, which is a sister publication of the Communist Party mouthpiece The
People's Daily, said allegations that China had acquired the technology from the
U.S. amounted to nothing but a Western "smear campaign."
'Breakthrough' features Xu said the aircraft boasted advanced supersonic cruise
ability and other "breakthrough" features of a "fifth generation" fighter, such
as America's F-22 Raptor.
The paper also quoted a senior defense official as saying that the plane had
been the subject of a smear campaign by Western media.
"It's not the first time foreign media has smeared newly unveiled Chinese
military technologies. It's meaningless to respond to such speculations," the
official was quoted as saying.
Asked about the J-20 at a regular news conference on Tuesday, Chinese foreign
ministry spokesman Hong Lei said: "I don't know about this matter."
Engineer
The Global Times report was an apparent response to the jailing on Monday of a
former B-2 stealth bomber engineer by a U.S. court for selling military secrets
to China.
The court in the Hawaiian capital, Honolulu, heard that Noshir Gowadia, 66, made
profits of at least U.S. $110,000 by selling classified engine technology.
The prosecution said that China needed the technology to help it design a
stealth cruise missile that could evade infrared detection.
Former Northrop Grumman engineer Gowadia traveled to China repeatedly between
2003 and 2005 as a freelance consultant to China's cruise missile program, the
court heard.
State-run media frequently lauds the country's engineering achievements as
examples of Beijing's rising power and prestige.
Russian technology However, defense analysts say the J-20 appears to have been
developed more from Russian technology than from anything made in America.
Russian analysts told the industry magazine Jane's Defense Weekly that the
Russian origins of the plane were unmistakable.
The surprise test flight came during a rare visit to China by U.S. Defense
Secretary Robert Gates, at a time of increasing concern in the United States
over China's military ambitions.
Reports of the J-20's maiden flight appeared in official media ahead of Gates'
visit. Photos appeared online of a fighter plane in flight, along with accounts
of the J-20 fighter making a brief flight from an airport in the south-western
province of Sichuan. Newspapers directly controlled by the Communist Party
endorsed the mission as "successful."
Gates' visit was aimed at mending military ties strained by the sale of a U.S.
$6.4 billion U.S. arms package to Taiwan in January 2010, and amid signs that
China's military spending will soon rise sharply.
The official newspaper of the elite Chinese Communist Party school, the Study
Times, recently estimated that defense spending would soon rise to take up
between 2.6 percent and 2.8 percent of the economy, compared with just 1.5
percent now.
Medical Study Points to Differences in the Brains
of RAF Fighter Pilots
New research suggests that the
brains of professional fighter pilots are wired differently to the average
human, potentially paving the way to streamlining pilot training and
facilitating selective recruitment.
Results from the study, led by Dr Masud
Husain at University College London (UCL), were published in the December
issue of the Journal of Neuroscience. Comparative experiments were conducted
with a group of 11 seasoned RAF Tornado pilots and another consisting of
volunteers with no flight experience.
MRI (magnetic resonance imaging) scans and a
series of cognitive tests demonstrated that the right-hemisphere white
matter of the pilots’ brains exhibit an unconventional structure.
Dr Husain, a professor of Neurology and
Cognitive Neuroscience, explained that fighter pilots are an “expert group
making precision choices at high speed" and perform at the limits of
cognitive ability.
All volunteers participated in the Eriksen
Flanker task in which they were instructed to react to a centered and
directed target surrounded by distracting symbols. Following this, reaction
times were tested by measuring response time to the word “go” amid
occasional changes to their instructions. Although no difference was
discovered between the groups in the second test, the pilots performed
notably faster under the first.
The findings present an avenue for further
analysis to attempt to discover whether successful pilots are born with this
cognitive ability, or whether their brains undergo a physical change during
the learning process. Understanding this could have a huge impact on both
recruitment and training.
If found to be a natural ability, an early
MRI scan on pilot applicants could immediately rule out those with the
“wrong type” of brain, thereby streamlining the process and cutting away the
expense of training candidates that are likely to prove unsuccessful.
The results also suggest that training
methodology can be realigned to better fit the ways in which pilots assess,
respond and learn, while new technologies such as the Helmet-Mounted Display
System (HMDS) incorporated with the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter may be open to
enhancement to correlate further with the pilot’s perspective, and therefore
improve situational awareness and reaction time.
US Mission to the United Nations:

Remarks at a Security Council Meeting on the
Situation on the Korean Peninsula
We welcome this opportunity for the Security Council to
discuss recent events on the Korean peninsula. In doing so, it is important
that we keep in mind that this tense situation springs from one source and
one source alone: the consistently provocative behaviour of North Korea. In
July, this Council issued a statement after the North Korean sinking of the
South Korean vessel, the Chenoa.
The statement condemned the attack and underscored the importance of
preventing further such attacks or hostilities against the Republic of
Korea. It also called for full adherence to the Armistice Agreement.
Nonetheless, North Korea has continued to defy the Council. The regime
recently disclosed a uranium enrichment program-activity that directly
contravenes Resolutions 1718 and 1874, as well as the 2005 Joint
Declaration's clear demand for an end to North Korea's existing nuclear
programs.
On November 23, North Korea launched a premeditated and
unprovoked attack
on the island of Yeonpyong. North Korea's deliberate and
premeditated armed attack resulted in the death of two Republic of Korea
Marine Corps personnel and two South Korean civilians. The attack injured
sixteen Republic of Korea Marine Corps personnel and twenty-nine South
Korean civilians.
It also caused considerable damage to military facilities and destruction of
civilian homes and property. A UN Command report, which included
participants from nine UN Command-sending states and observers from the
Swedish, Polish and Swiss delegations, concluded that this attack
constitutes a violation of the Armistice Agreement.
The Republic of Korea Marine Corps' response firing on Mu-Do and Gaemeori is
justified under the right of self-defense given the necessary, proportional,
and timely nature of the response. The Republic of Korea Marine Corps'
action in self-defense to the Korean People's Army's armed attack and in
response to the Korean People's Army's serious violation of the Armistice
Agreement is not a violation of the letter or the spirit of any provision of
the Armistice Agreement.
The Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission report also confirmed the UN
Command finding that the North Korean attack violated the Armistice
Agreement and that the Republic of South Korea response was an inherent
right of self defense.
This Council's responsibility to ensure peace and stability weighs heaviest
at moments such as these. Yet there has been no statement from this body to
clearly condemn the North Korean shelling of Yeonpyong island - an important
step to identify and respond to this outrageous act. I would also like to
address the concerns that some have expressed regarding plans by South Korea
to hold a defensive live fire exercise in the coming days.
As a starting point, it is important to recognize that that there is nothing
unusual about these planned drills. They are exclusively defensive in
nature, and they have been regularly conducted for years-oftentimes on the
order of every three months. The conduct of defensive exercises is nothing
less than prudent given that North Korean belligerence has cost 50 South
Korean lives in the last nine months alone.
Despite this litany of provocations, the international community has yet to
sufficiently and effectively condemn these acts to the extent that they
deserve. South Korea's planned exercises have been widely notified, and the
South Koreans have been unceasingly transparent in providing information to
airmen and mariners through all of the proper channels.
Moreover, the area where the exercises will occur is well south of the
Northern Limit Line and south of the five islands which, in accordance with
the terms of the Armistice Agreement, are controlled by the UN Commander and
have been administered by South Korea since 1953. So, let us be very clear:
These defensive exercises pose no danger to North Korea and threaten no
North Korean lives. Despite all of this, North Korea has made extensive
public threats to undertake massive military action against South Korea if
these routine exercises proceed.
It is important for this Council to send a strong message that it is not
acceptable to threaten military action against a UN member state for
conducting a legitimate exercise to provide for its self-defense.
The U.S. takes its responsibilities to support peace and stability in the
Korean peninsula with the utmost seriousness. We are a treaty ally of South
Korea, and we will stand with our ally in the face of threat or attack. At
the same time, we have consistently urged calm and restraint to avoid
breaches of the Armistice Agreement or UN Security Council resolutions 1718
and 1874.
We have enthusiastically supported confidence building measures and direct
talks between north and south. We have, and will continue to support all
efforts to ensure a nuclear weapons free peninsula. And, we have engaged in
vigorous diplomacy in an effort to reduce the tensions caused by these
latest North Korean provocations. Last week, Deputy Secretary of State James
Steinberg traveled to Beijing where he had productive and positive
discussions with senior Chinese leaders on this very topic.
We continue to work closely with our Six Party partners to find a diplomatic
path that protects peace and stability on the peninsula and fulfills the
goals of the 2005 Six Party Joint Statement. We believe we can make progress
in cooperation with our partners in Tokyo, Beijing, Moscow, and Seoul. The
door is open to Pyongyang to join and benefit from such an effort, but only
if it abandons the misguided notion that violence, threats and provocation
are the path toward achievement of its goals.
The Radio Controlled IED: Protecting Troops
From the 'Unseen Threat' in Afghanistan
Electronic counter measures (ECM) such as
jammers are equipment items of enormous importance to soldiers in
Afghanistan to counter the threat from radio-controlled IEDs (RCIEDs). ECM,
where available and when used correctly, has proven an extremely effective
counter against such IED switches.
ECM is very much a finite resource, in that
not all Afghan regional commands (RCs) have it, and this can be seen by the
regional trends of IED events. However, a major problem with ECM is not its
effectiveness against the RCIEDs, but its impact on other friendly ECM
systems.
The mass proliferation of ECM on the
battlefield has created the problem whereby ECM systems are jamming one
another. This presents a considerable issue for ECM users in preserving
their counter-measure and not exposing themselves to the RCIED threat.
De-confliction of ECM systems is the
requirement, but what complicates the search for a solution is the
inter-operability (or lack of) of the constituent members of the
International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). Thus, we are able to see
a wider issue of integration of ISAF nations of which ECM de-confliction
is but one facet.
RCIEDs are devices that use a
radio-controlled switch as an element of their firing system. In many
cases, this forms the firing switch, therefore rendering the system a
command device that functions upon receiving a signal from a
transmitter. However, in other cases, it could also be found in the
arming switch of the device where an alternate switch-type detonates the
device.
An example of this might be a passive
infra-red (PIR) IED that is remotely armed by a radio-controlled
transmitter.
Such a device is emplaced by a roadside
and left unarmed whilst civilian traffic passes. In effect, this
provides the potential to limit collateral damage. It is then remotely
armed when a target is identified (and sighted) as the next vehicle to
detonate the PIR sensor firing switch. Such switches also enable
insurgents to emplace devices at times of their choosing rather than
imminently before the target approaches.
RCIED deployment process
RCIEDs are relatively uncomplicated devices to manufacture when
proper instruction is given and the required materials are available in
abundance. RCIEDs require a transmitter and a receiver. Devices can
utilise an array of high and low frequency items ranging from mobile
phones, personal radios and pagers to keyless garage and car entry fobs.
Transmission can differ greatly in nature with different devices
offering varying ranges of discrimination and thereby greater usability
and safety.
The triggerman must have line of sight to
the emplaced device in order to maximise the signal and in order to know
when to detonate the device. Their transmitter, perhaps a mobile phone,
is the only connection between them and the attack. This is, of course,
not an immediately suspicious item and would not likely attract
attention from the casual observer. This enables the insurgents to
conduct and relay intelligence from thorough battle damage assessments
at the scene of the attack.
ECM essentially operates by jamming the
signal sent from the transmitter to the receiver. Jamming requires
dedicated human interaction by an ECM operator, or ‘bleep’, to direct
and programme effectively. ECM, critically, requires power and targeting
to operate effectively. Not all frequencies can be jammed, and jamming
requires a good knowledge of how to balance power with frequency.
Regional capability and
discrepancy
The insurgents in Afghanistan have proven to be a cunning
opponent and capable of adapting their tactics around NATO application
of ECM. We can see this in the regionalisation of IED trends. In the
South, where ECM is in abundance, the enemy instead attacks weaknesses
in our use of metal detectors for route clearance by emplacing low or no
metal content pressure plate devices.
By contrast, in the East where the Afghan
National Security Forces (ANSF) operate with little ECM, RCIED
deployment is a far more frequent phenomenon. ECM-carrying personnel
among dismounted units are subject to direct targeting by the INS as the
aerials from their equipment are clearly visible. Similarly, the
insurgents are able to identify ECM equipped vehicles from those without
it and target their attacks according to weaknesses in our own tactics
or ECM ‘bubbling’.
ECM can be ‘active’ or it can be
‘reactive’. Active ECM is a setup that is operated constantly and
directed, as required. Reactive ECM operates independently, having been
pre-programmed to react to certain target frequencies when and where it
detects them. The rationale behind this is that a computer can react
faster to the situation than a human, thus minimising the exposure to
the RCIED threat. The heart of the ECM conflict lies between sets of
reactive ECM producing the effect of ‘blue-on-blue fratricide’.
Honing the ECM process
ECM is by no means a new technology, but it remains to
completely adapt to the RCIED environment. ECM works chiefly according
to a restricted frequency list which accords varying status to protected
frequencies that are not to be jammed. Intelligence defines the target,
which includes the frequency and RCIED ‘hot spots’, as well as how to
apply the ECM. Therein is the obvious solution to the problem - to make
these lists available within ISAF forces. However, this information is
heavily classified and rarely shared among bilateral allies, never mind
broadly disseminated laterally across ISAF members.
Therefore, an alternative solution is
currently being investigated that tackles the problem at both ends.
First is the literal problem of jammers - jamming one another that must
end as fast possible. Second is a new and more integrated approach at
the targeting end.
One possible solution essentially seeks
to encode friendly ECM with a signal that can be read by all ECM
systems. Where a reactive ECM set detects a signal and jams it, it will
interrogate its action and, in doing so against a friendly ECM system,
will likewise detect a ‘watermark’ embedded in the signal. Upon
recognising this signal, the block will be lifted. This solution offers
much hope towards mitigating the problem with considerable work being
done to reduce the reaction time for ECM to recognise the watermark and
lift its jamming effect.
The COI solution
At the other end, efforts are being invested into creating
relevant Communities of Interest (COIs) within this arena. The concept
of COIs has attracted growing attention dating back to the advent of
‘network-centric capabilities’. COIs are, in essence, a collaborative
group of users that pool and share information in pursuit of shared
goals.
This naturally (and crucially) requires a
shared vocabulary and can be alternatively understood as
service-orientated architecture. Data elements are stored, retrieved and
analysed in application-independent environments.
The IED database currently under
construction will be an excellent example of this and an invaluable
asset and will function to alert tactical commanders of the ‘hot spot’
IED indicators based on a legacy of recorded incidents. Such a database
is an example of a tactical COI that aims towards the real-time
reporting of IED events over a tactical data-link.
Such functions served are: providing an
alert, producing a pre-emptive response and producing a report, either
to other departments or for purposes of internal revision. The database
and the COI around it will therefore work to inform RCIED threat
bandwidth as well as the appropriate force protection posture to be
adopted.
ECM de-confliction aptly encapsulates
wider issues of inter-operability within ISAF that remain in place.
Homogeneity of forces’ equipment, capability and training has not been
achieved despite considerable efforts to do just that. Successful
‘watermarking’ of ECM equipment will provide a technical solution to
de-confliction. However, the creation of an effective COI behind it will
provide the means for the institutional change that is required for
greater integration and standardisation of ISAF
'There isn't any evidence': Has Cyber Turned
Into an Invisible War?
The UK Ministry of Defence is increasing
investment into its cyber warfare capabilities, amid huge cutbacks to much of
the rest of the military.
The newly appointed National Security Council has highlighted 16 national
security threats that cannot be downgraded. The four most important of these
have been ranked as ‘Tier 1’ and include cyber security, two tiers above
conventional large-scale military invasion.
The newly appointed National Security Council has highlighted 16 national
security threats that cannot be downgraded. The four most important of these
have been ranked as ‘Tier 1’ and include cyber security, two tiers above
conventional large-scale military invasion.
The publication forms the basis of the long-anticipated Strategic Defence and
Security Review (SDSR) revealed last month, which places cyber war amongst the
top of its concerns. Home Secretary Theresa May yesterday declared the urgency
of the need to build up security measures in the face of cyber terrorism.
Several weeks ago, Iran’s nuclear power plants were disrupted by a sophisticated
computer worm, thought by most cyber specialists to be the work of a national
power. Termed ‘Stuxnet’, the malware has been labelled the first recognised
‘cyber weapon’ and is believed to have finally made cyber warfare a reality.
Following the controversy, Iain Lobban, the director of the UK’s Government
Communications Headquarters (GCHQ), stated that our own national infrastructure
is at a high risk of cyber attacks.
"Cyberspace is contested every day, every hour, every minute, every second,” he
said. “I can vouch for that from the displays in our own operations centre of
minute-by-minute cyber attempts to penetrate systems around the world."
Despite this, one of the leading experts in the country has admitted that
defence spending on the issue is difficult to justify to the public because the
basis of the strategy lies in an effort to build up resilience before any
credible attack causes serious disruption.
Talking to politics.co.uk, Dr Paul Cornish of Chatham House, a world-leading
international affairs institute, explained: “The problem with cyber is this is
all new - this is all conjecture. In a sense it is the most difficult point to
make in terms of public spending.
"This hasn't actually really happened yet. But [you argue] 'we need to spend
money to stop it happening'. [The public say] 'give us the evidence'. There
isn't any evidence."
Dr Cornish later told the national press that he believed that despite the need
to slash Defence funding, a silver lining could develop as budgets will have to
be more forward-thinking, focusing on developing key areas such as intelligence
and satellites.
Expert theory on the subject has indicated that, in the event of cyber war, a
nation could be most under threat from attacks on its transport services, health
services or power supplies, or from large-scale financial fraud that could
cripple the economy.
Defence Secretary Liam Fox has successfully negotiated with the Treasury to
reduce cuts to defence spending from between 10-20% down to 8%, with the help of
Prime Minister David Cameron, who has championed national security as a chief
concern during this time of hardship across the entire public sector.
SEA 1000 Submarine Programme
Delivers Australian Counter Punch to Chinese Sea Power
New submarine power
On May 2nd, 2009, the Australian Government issued a
White Paper stating its intentions to acquire twelve new submarines for the
Royal Australian Navy (RAN). The new replacement project, SEA 1000, is to
replace the six Collins class submarines with a unique Australian design
designated to “Defend Australia in the Asia Pacific Century”.
As China is increasingly gaining dominance in the
Pacific region, the need for a counter balance is crucial. Consequently,
Australia is now openly tying its submarine build-up to the shifting
China-US balance in South East Asia
The Collins class project showed that the Australian need for a unique
design could not be procured as an off-the-shelf item from Europe.
Initially, the Collins class was intended to be an enlarged Swedish
built type 471, but as requirements grew, the design increased from
2,000 tons to 3,051 tons, thus becoming the largest conventional
submarine in the modern era.
Trading partnerships and strategic paradigms
The complexity and level of technical uncertainty of the Collins design
was largely unanticipated by the Australian Navy and, as problems
emerged during construction, open conflict between the Navy and the
Swedish design authority evolved. As a result, the USN saw an
opportunity to tap into the Australian submarine programme and on 10
September 2001 the USN and RAN signed a joint agreement to cooperate on
submarine matters. This would effectively secure US involvement in the
future submarine project.
The new SEA 1000 project is planned to start replacing the Collins class
by 2025 and prolong the RAN’s already long-standing expertise in
operating conventional submarines. With improvements in AIP (Air
Independent Propulsion) systems and NCW (Network Centric Warfare)
capabilities, the conventional submarines have become an even bigger
resource to joint operations, thus providing a solution to the lacking
operational element in a USN task force.
The ability of conventional submarines to operate in the littorals
without detection provides a valuable allied asset to a declining USN
submarine presence in the Pacific. Facing an estimated 58-88 Chinese
attack submarines in 2025, the USN decision to invest in a US-Australian
naval relationship is a telling sign of the future Pacific challenges.
With an increased need for capabilities in range, weapon load, endurance
and submerged endurance, the projected submarines are destined to become
even larger than their predecessors, thus requiring an increased manning
level above the current complement of 58 seen in the Collins class.
Cooperative strategies in maritime defence
This will prove a monumental task as retention issues have cut the level
of operational submarines within the RAN from six to three in recent
years. With the increased level of technology incorporated in the
projected design, the training of new crews will take years and the cost
of doing so will be high.
The decision to expand to twelve submarines is very much an ambitious
task, as retaining submarine crews and, furthermore, expanding the force
to an estimated six times the current size is not likely in a short term
perspective.
However, Australia has pledged to honour the relationship between the
two countries' naval forces and evidently has committed itself to an
immense task. The future of the new Australian submarine project is
unquestionably a defining factor in the US South Pacific strategy in the
strategically critical years to come.
[1] The name of the White Paper issued on 2nd May 2009.
Piracy Storm Brews in
West Africa: Gulf of Guineau Under Maritime Siege
While media headlines abound and the
mass ongoing conventional naval campaign against Somalia’s piracy has
dominated the minds of the world’s maritime security experts, security
conditions in the Gulf of Guinea continue to decline rapidly. In fact,
the heady mix of failing states, organised crime and a lack of maritime
enforcement suggests a problem that will outstrip Somalia both in
complexity and scope within the near future.
The region’s potent criminal cocktail which has developed over time
encompasses the full spectrum of nefarious activity:
In response, regional navies lack the operational capability to patrol
effectively or offer a counter to those who bring crime and disorder in
their wake. National and regional security is fragile, at best, and
arguably worse than those failing conditions which prompted external
involvement a decade ago. This lack of enduring stability could
negatively and decidedly impact the long-term security forecast of both
North America and Europe. Western nations increasingly view the region
as the nexus of criminal super-highways for smuggling (of all hues) and
strategically important oil supplies.
Any examination of the region throws up a number of contenders for
civil war, coups d’état, ethnic unrest, repressed historic enmity or
the destabilising influence of organised crime. Even Nigeria, the
region’s powerhouse economy and most populous state is but a stone’s
throw from collapse - especially as it faces the threats of
insurgency in the Niger Delta and potentially devastating sectarian
violence between Christians and Muslims. Add to this widespread
disease, corruption and extreme poverty and the fuse is lit on a
powder keg of global proportions.
Revenue from the extensive network of offshore energy infrastructure
is the load-bearing pillar for regional stability, but maritime
criminal activity now threatens to undermine this. A frequent
visitor to the region and security expert (Graeme Gibbon-Brooks)
reported in 2009:
“The maritime disorder situation in the Gulf of Guinea (GOG) is far
less known in the eyes of the international media but no less real.
Maritime disorder affects all areas in West Africa but the effect of
criminality, piracy and terrorism in Nigeria’s waters is such that
international companies either refuse to trade in Nigeria or are
withdrawing their operations and fishermen refuse to put to sea.
Maritime disorder then is choking elements of Nigeria’s income,
especially from oil.”
Piracy is alive and well
Organised, maritime criminal activity in the Gulf of Guinea is diverse
and seemingly all pervasive. Piracy and robbery are now so well
established as to represent a considerable issue for Nigeria, Cameroon
and Angola. In 2009, the International Maritime Organization (IMO)
substantiated 28 attacks in their waters but believes the real figure to
be twice that. This year alone has seen the Nigerian Navy receive over
100 reports of pirate attacks on ships in their waters.
On the face of it, these numbers may be under the 200+ pirate attacks
that saw 47 hijackings in the Gulf of Aden in 2009, but have been
corrupted to such a point as to mask the real scale of the problem.
Foreign perspective
This view is supported by Peter Pham, director for the National
Committee on American Foreign Policy; who argued in January’s Christian
Science Monitor that “there are fishing boats attacked at dockside or
close to shore, which don’t meet the definition of piracy on the high
seas, but if you add all that, the number of attacks certainly would be
equal to those off Somalia.”
There were fifty attacks and ten murders reported by the Nigerian
Trawlers Owners Association in January 2008 alone, so it is highly
likely the situation in the Gulf of Guinea is worse than commonly
understood. The modus operandi of those who perpetrate these attacks is
very different from their brethren in the Gulf of Aden, where crews are
well-treated in order to guarantee ransom money. In the Gulf of Guinea,
pirates are much more likely to direct their violence towards the crew
in order to steal money or cargo. Sadly, there are many examples of
violent attacks at sea which have resulted in death or serious injury to
law-abiding seafarers simply going about their work.
- 2-3/07/10 Nigerian pirates boarded the German-flagged cargo ship BBC
Palonia overran the crew, shooting and injuring a Ukrainian crew member
in the process.
- 30/03/10 ten armed pirates boarded a Turkish-flagged freighter,
stabbed the captain and wounded three other crew members.
- 24/11/09 Nigerian pirates boarded the German-owned oil tanker MT
Cancale Star and shot dead the Ukrainian first-officer and wounded four
other crew members
Where piracy meets organised crime
Other equally damaging forms of organised crime fuel maritime insecurity
in the region. For instance, illegal fishing by Asian and Europe vessels
in the Gulf of Guinea costs these poverty-stricken countries an
estimated USD $350 million in lost annual revenue. In an all too
similar parallel to Somalia in the 1990’s, this form of industrial
poaching diminishes fish-stocks, denies the local population its stable
food source and destroys the local economy.
The second example is Colombian narco products and the trans-Atlantic
connections that have been made to get them to market. There is now a
criminal super-highway that fuses Colombian cocaine with North and West
African illegal immigrant populations (and weapons and diamonds
smuggling) – known as Highway 10. This criminal super-highway holds
great utility for today’s terrorists and criminals alike.
The majority of Europe’s cocaine is transported by sea to the West
African coast, where it is then shipped north along the African and
Western European coastlines. These Atlantic routes facilitate
collaboration between criminal organizations and undoubtedly hold merit
for an Islamic terrorist organization wishing to use this ‘purpose
built’ criminal conduit linking Arab North Africa to potential European
targets. Here is a clear case of a dauntingly multi-faceted problem for
the international community and one that demands a coherent, coordinated
and comprehensive response. Unfortunately, state agencies in the West
struggle in the face of scant resources and unwillingness on the part of
other government departments to commit to this type of long-term
capacity-building project.
According to the UK’s Serious Organised Crime Agency (SOCA) threat
assessment report for 2009/10, West Africa features very highly on the
cocaine supply route to Europe.
“West Africa is used by the cocaine trade as a consolidation point and
as a centre for logistics, command and control. Colombian groups pay up
to one third of their consignment to West African criminals in return
for protection and logistical support. The bulk of cocaine that remains
in the control of the Colombian traffickers is moved to the European
market. However, the payment in cocaine to the West African groups has
created a secondary supply to Europe.” Their assessment substantiates
other claims by European authorities that 60% of the cocaine in European
markets (estimated at $1.8 billion in 2007) passed through the Gulf of
Guinea.
The mass theft of oil is another particularly lucrative activity for
organised criminal gangs. Oil theft is now a common practice and is
believed to cost the region some $3 billion each year. Nigeria is the
hardest hit by illegal bunkering and, according to some experts, costs
the country as much as 100,000 barrels daily.
Maritime terrorism
Although some dismiss maritime terrorism in the region as a minor
irritation, other experts now see it as the preferred area of operation
for groups such as the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta
(MEND). MEND are a militant group waging a terrorist / insurgency
campaign in the impoverished Niger Delta region. They have targeted
foreign companies and their staff in a bloody campaign that combines
terrorism and organised crime in a dangerous hybrid of violence,
extortion and corruption. The impact of their June 2008 campaign is
still impacting Nigeria’s national economy. The region is home to other
militant groups such as the Bakassi Movement for Self-Determination - a
separatist group that seeks independence for the Bakassi area. Their
attacks upon international shipping demonstrate a willingness to use
maritime insecurity as a political dimension within the overall
campaign.
Local weakness
Given the pronounced nature and prevalence of regional maritime
insecurity, it is disappointing to report that the majority of local
navies exist in a general state of irreversible decline and operational
ineffectiveness. Because millions have died in bitter civil wars
throughout the region, national armies hold greater political sway than
niche organisations - such as a naval force. None of the region’s many
conflicts has had a pronounced maritime dimension and this has promoted
a land-based focus on defence spending, training, and equipment
procurement. The following table illustrates the gulf between African
Navies and their Army counter-parts:
|
Country |
Army |
Navy |
|
Nigeria |
62,000 |
8,000 |
|
Cote d’Ivoire |
6,500 |
900 |
|
DRC |
110,000-120,000 |
6,703 |
|
Equatorial Guinea |
1,100 |
120 |
|
Gambia |
800 |
70 |
International hubris
Many Western Navies patrol the region and some deliver local
capacity-building training - but are these efforts enough? The answer
is an unequivocal 'no'. Despite the belated small scale efforts of the
US Navy to train personnel and deliver improved Maritime Domain
Awareness (MDA), the tide of criminal and terrorist activity has yet to
be turned. The Royal Navy’s presence is sporadic at best and the French
Navy’s posture smacks of neo-colonialism. The level of
capacity-building required to significantly impact upon the activities
of the terrorists and criminals is not great and certainly does not
require the latest in naval technology to deliver successful results.
In the long term, these capacity-building efforts should be seen as a
'spend to save' measure because of the adverse impact on targeted groups
such as organised criminals and terrorists. The issue has been
discussed during the 2009 Chiefs of European Navies (CHENS) meeting
where the strategic importance of the Gulf of Guinea was re-emphasised.
A ‘Maritime Co-operation with Africa’ (MCA) Working Group under French
leadership was established to explore capacity-building possibilities.
In addition, it was designed to provide suggestions on how to increase
regional stability and maritime security through direct contact with the
Maritime Organisation of West and Central Africa (MOWCA) and with
AFRICOM’s Africa Partnership Station (APS). All of this carries on with
seemingly no tangible result - while West Africa burns (literally).
CHENS members report on the smell of smoke and carry on playing the
naval fiddle.
Summary
The Gulf of Guinea is staring at a precipice of regional maritime
insecurity. The continuing economic, social and political impact is
pronounced and will continue unless there is focused investment in both
manpower and resources by more capable outside nations or
organisations. The loss of $2 billion US to the local annual economy -
from offshore oil, fishing, and commercial shipping - is too large a
price to pay for a region which is spasmodically emerging from decades
of civil war and anarchy.
The region produces 5.4 million barrels of oil per day, and it contains
50.4 billion barrels of proven reserves. Nigeria now supplies 10% of US
imported oil and is the world’s eighth largest oil exporter. Events in
Afghanistan and Somalia illustrate the dangers that come from the nexus
between organised crime, terrorism and failed/failing states. While
many look to Africa for an African solution to retake control of their
seas, they can’t achieve this without timely Western assistance.
Our collective inactivity is the product of a paucity of constabulary
platforms and hamstrung political will which fractures any hope of a
comprehensive approach to the problem. So perhaps if we were to learn a
lesson or two from Somalia and Afghanistan rather than just identify
them, shouldn’t our militaries provide a gentle hand on the tiller and
guide the people of the Gulf of Guinea towards a more secure and stable
future?
Man and Machine
Synergy:
Erasing the Boundaries
Between Soldiers and Equipment
Soldiers across Europe are placing increasing significance
on modernisation systems that will allow individual troops to be fully
integrated into the wider battle space network.
France is escalating its aggressive plan to outfit its
soldiers with FELIN (Fantassin à Equipements et Liaisons Intégrés), the
infantryman-integrated communications equipment system. The kit offers an
electro-optical weapon sight, a mini-computer display screen that conveys
real-time data updates, as well as sensitive voice recognition. Troops will
be training with the system ahead of projected operational deployment in
late 2011.
The French defence procurement agency (DGA) has awarded
contracts to adapt 1,800 of the Army’s vehicle interiors in order to provide
enough room for soldiers equipped with FELIN. Importantly, the vehicle
systems will be synchronised with the requisite kit to allow troops
to connect themselves to the AV power supply and recharge the power
plants for their digital components. Around 30 vehicles per month are in
line to be upgraded between now and 2015.
In Germany, the IdZ modernisation system has received a
further catalyst this year with more new orders since its inception in 2004.
In addition to its operational contributions, the technology has likewise
been seamlessly integrated with various vehicles in the German fleet -
the enhanced version will be linked with the Boxer MRAV and PUMA IFV.
Weapons will be stationed onboard for modular selection.
Similar in nature to FELIN, troops plug into these
vehicles to recharge, and communication can be established with both the
internal intercom system and with remote units, as well as with other
command echelons via the vehicle radio. Troops can also operate
independently of the next higher command level for up to 72 hours through
the use of a transportable base station external to the vehicle.
Additionally, this provides a robust spectrum of modern features - from fuel
cells to computer and radio equipment.
Meanwhile, 35,000 units of the UK’s FIST (Future Integrated Soldier
Technology) system are being prepared for distribution to British troops
within the next 10 years. Along with land vehicle integration, the
technology is designed to link with kinetic firepower assets, UAVs and other
platforms. Switzerland, Spain, and the Czech Republic also have Future
Soldier programmes under way which will all promote C4I (Command, Control,
Communications, Computers and Intelligence) at their core.
Increasingly, combat vehicles are providing the critical
base of network operations, resulting in the battlefield taking on the role
of a digital terrain, and thus providing and supporting commanders with
real-time situational awareness (SA) and combat identification (CID).
The successes of the deployed IdZ and the FELIN trials in
their interaction with armoured vehicles will be a boon to those projects
still in development throughout Europe and the rest of the world. Hand in
hand, man and machine are expected to operate with a range of complex
advantages as standard - from the ability to map the battle space layout and
its obstacles, to relaying the exact position of enemy combatants.
Axe To Fall On UK
Troop Numbers
Posted: 26/08/2010 12:00:00
AM EDT
The UK Defence Secretary
has indicated that the number of serving soldiers and officers in the
British Army will be reduced as part of the swathe of spending cuts to
be made in light of the ongoing Strategic Defence and Security Review
(SDSR).
Aside from vehicle and equipment cutbacks, Dr. Liam Fox has publicly
suggested that the number of employed personnel within the Forces would
be one of the aspects at the forefront of discussions to combat a £500m
deficit.
“Without cost containment in the current programs, we have no option but
to either cut the programs currently under way or curtail investment in
future programs.”
Fox has been called on by the UK Treasury to slash the defence budget by
up to 20 per cent in urgent plans that could begin to take effect by the
end of the year, according to the National Audit Office.
Analysts believe that up to 30,000 of the present 175,000 personnel may
be slashed, with two thirds of that figure falling on the Army.
The main concern lies in the fact that the forces are already perceived
as being overstretched, with 10,000 troops expected to remain in
Afghanistan for several more years.
All defence programmes are to be re-evaluated as part of the SDSR, with
key contentions being whether to move forward with anti-nuclear defence
system Trident; whether one of the Royal Navy’s brand new aircraft
carriers should be auctioned off; or whether the current order for the
F-35 Joint Strike Fighter should now be reduced.
The upshot of these anticipated cutbacks is expected to reduce Britain’s
military presence worldwide and proscribe it from being involved in
future campaigns on the same scale as it has been in recent years.
However, it would still be the largest armed force among NATO’s European
members.
Prime Minister David Cameron raised the possibility that Britain could start
withdrawing troops from Afghanistan next year, following US President Barack
Obama’s hopes to ease American troop numbers in the region from July.
"The faster we can transition districts and provinces to Afghan control,
clearly the faster that some forces can be brought home.”
Final decisions on spending for the next 5 years will be announced by
October when the SDSR is set to be revealed.
Counter-Insurgency
Star Wars: Geospatial Defence, Intelligence and Reconnaissance in
Afghanistan
(Geospatial systems hold many benefits for both
the civilian and military communities, providing detailed, mission critical
information for use in military operations and infrastructure development.
The progression of asymmetric warfare in the Afghan theatre has produced
many new challenges, both for operational specialists as well as tactical
and command planning elements.
Geospatial systems have played a pivotal role in combating insurgency within
urban hotspots in the Afghanistan war - and are also employed by Provincial
Reconstruction Teams in their efforts to rebuild the country.
Examining those coalition forces executing the ISAF (International Security
Assistance Force) mission provides insight both into the challenges and
opportunities which are facing the industry worldwide, as well as into the
necessity for interoperability within geospatial defence and intelligence.
NATO has signed agreements with a
number of different countries to better utilise geospatial data from
equipment such as UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles) with troops on the ground.
Upon signing the agreement with NATO, France's national armament director,
Laurent Collet-Billon, stated openly: "We are, in essence, looking at a
shift of paradigm. Traditionally, we have worked on developing capabilities
nationally and then worked–and paid–again at the Alliance level to make them
interoperable.
"Now we are seeking to engage nations in a direct, comprehensive approach
that will deliver capabilities that are born interoperable."
Collaboration in Geospatial Systems
One of the issues that quickly came to light when military
operations commenced in Afghanistan was the lack of accurate and up-to-date
geospatial data available, a phenomenon particular to many remote regions of
Asia.
In a bid to solve this, many nations began the process of collating
geospatial data on the areas where their troops were deployed. The National
Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA) in the US highlighted that this led to
duplication of data.
To combat this, the Afghanistan Production Coordination Working Group was
formed, encompassing a number of European nations and headed by the NATO
command in charge of ISAF operations.
The group is responsible for coordinating individual efforts so geospatial
systems meet the dynamic needs of troops on the ground.
NGA explained: "To date, seven nations are producing vector data, image city
maps, Multinational Geospatial Co-Production Derived Graphics (MGCP-DGs),
and full specification topographic line maps over most of Afghanistan, using
commercial imagery."
Efforts were also made to ensure that the supply chain was managed
sufficiently to ensure that troops were not provided with duplicate maps and
the most accurate and up-to-date documents were shipped out.
To ensure that the collection of geospatial data continues after military
operations are completed, NGA has been working with the Afghanistan Geodesy
and Cartography Head Office. Members of the office have been working with
NGA representatives to deal with management challenges and to better
understand the technical challenges of geospatial systems.
Geospatial Systems and Reconstruction
The war in Afghanistan also serves to highlight how the
global community can utilise geospatial systems after kinetic operations
have been terminated.
Last year, NATO created a map illustrating flooding patterns in the country,
which was subsequently handed over to Afghan authorities in Kabul.
Created by the Command and Control Agency (NC3A) Geo Team, the Afghanistan
Flood Hazard Map (AFG-FHM) is intended to be used by the country's
authorities to ensure construction does not take place in areas affected by
flooding and to ensure flood defence measures are positioned effectively.
NATO also reported that the map will assist landmine clearing teams in
prioritising locations, thus preventing landmine migration.
Following the issues experienced by coalition troops in relation to flooding
in 2006, John Teufert, NC3A Geo Team Chief, said that the map would
hopefully prevent such difficulties in the future.
"This did not only affect military operations and logistical tasks, but also
lack of actual data was sufficiently hindering the emergency response and
emergency aid operations which NATO delivers to flood victims," Teufert
explained.
"It was because of that reason that ISAF requested NC3A's support to create
a Flood Map for entire Afghanistan at a minimum scale of 1:250,000."